Valeri Chechelashvili
21-01-2010
This conference is a timely initiative. It is also an opportunity to share ideas and views on European development perspectives in the global world. The last eighteen months have been the most turbulent in recent European history. These months have included economic and financial crises, energy disputes, ecological and environmental problems, rising political tensions, diminishing trust, accusations from neighbours, and, finally, war in Europe. This century has seen the first war on the European continent and, hopefully, the last.
How can a regional organisation contribute to better integration and stability in these turbulent times? The main goal of GUAM is to foster stability and integration in the Black-Caspian Sea region and strengthen partnerships on the basis of European standards and practices. To achieve this goal, GUAM uses its well-developed institutional network to consolidate partnerships by developing multilateral legal instruments and implementing concrete cooperative projects. The advantage of GUAM lies in the shared vision of regional development and foreign policy endorsed by its four member-states. Our main priority is to approximate the norms of the European Union. This creates a very solid platform for cooperation and also contributes to a very smooth and effective decision making process.
It is very important that our four member-states are part of the same EU policy instruments. First it was European Neighborhood, and now it is Eastern Partnership. These instruments create a new momentum and new opportunities for cooperation with the main players on the European continent. GUAM is ready to offer its organisational and institutional network to support the implementation of the EU’s goals and objectives within the framework of Eastern Partnership. It means the promotion of various principles of European cooperation beyond the current borders of the EU and a contribution to a more cost-effective implementation process. It is much more cost effective to develop programmes using the existing organisational capacity of four out of the six countries included in the Eastern Partnership programme.
What is the disadvantage of GUAM? GUAM is not a universal platform for regional cooperation. We are a small organisation comprised of only four regional players. However, it also makes the decision-making process easier. We are more coherent and homogeneous compared to BSEC, for example.
I am sure that we can capitalize on each other’s experiences. For example, ideas and projects discussed by BSEC but, for different reasons, not implemented, can be picked up and implemented by GUAM. This is the case with the idea of the Black Sea transportation corridor adopted in 2001 under the chairmanship of the Russian Federation. The chances for the implementation of this project by BSEC are very limited because 300 kilometres of the Georgian Black Sea coast are occupied by a neighbouring BSEC member-state. Thus, this idea was picked up by our organisation and is currently being discussed by our working group on transport issues.
I cannot avoid the temptation to say some words about security issues in our area, having in mind, of course, the Russian-Georgian war last year. I am sure that it has very serious implications for Europe as a whole and for regional cooperation in particular.
After this war, we now live in a different world. In fact, Russian officials call it a new reality. They say that they will not move back from the recognition of the so-called new states. New realities emerge in international relations; however, there is a big difference when one country (for example, one as big and powerful as the Russian Federation) is trying to impose a new reality on the whole international community. This position of the Russian Federation considerably limits the capacity of international organisations to develop concrete projects and programmes of cooperation. The transportation corridor in the Black Sea is one example.
How did this war affect the position of GUAM? The position of GUAM has become very consolidated. It is based, first and foremost, on one of our basic documents, the Joint Declaration of the Heads of States of GUAM on Conflict Settlement. I would like to bring to your attention some elements of the famous report on this war. The report reads that, “the shelling of Tskhinvali by the Georgian armed forces in the night of 7-8 August marked the beginning of the large-scale armed conflict in Georgia. Yet, it was only a culminating point in a long period of increasing tensions, provocations and incidents.” Another quote: “There was support from Russia for the insurgents”. Yet, it seemed that Russia’s political allies and power structures were divided on this issue. There are several reports and publications, including those made by Russia, that point out the provision by the Russians for training and military equipment to South Ossetian and Abkhaz forces prior to the conflict in August 2008. In other words, it means that a permanent member of the UN Security Council had been engaged in provocations and that this State “tried to established a privileged zone of interests in its near abroad”. I am convinced that, if not confronted with concerted actions, this mentality will cause dramatic implications for wider Europe. I am also convinced that it will be the main challenge in the years to come.
Thank you very much and I am ready to answer questions.
